Friday, August 3, 2007
Prince siddhartha seeing the old age in his dreams
The Four Sights
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The Prince’s Request
All this while, the prince had been living in his palaces was still unaware of the realities of life outside the gates. One day, however, he heard of a beautiful park and begged his father’s permission to go out of the palace to visit it. The king allowed him to do so but made extensive preparations to decorate the route along which the prince would travel. The way from the royal palace to the park was made fragrant with incense and strewn with flowers. Crowds of people were stationed along the route to welcome him. All the beggars, the very old and the sick were kept away. The prince was only presented with pleasant sights.
The first sight:old age
For this rare and important outing, Prince Siddhartha had a faithful charioteer, Chandaka, to accompany him. As he was riding through the city, he saw before him, in the middle of the road, a grey haired man with wrinkled skin, who was dressed in rags and was almost blind. He looked very weak as his legs could hardly support his body. Prince Siddhartha was stunned for he had never seen a very old man before. At once, he asked Chandaka for an explanation. “What has happened to this man? Why can’t he walk upright? Why is his hair grey? Why isn’t it black like ours? Why has he no teeth? Tell me, Chandaka,” said the prince.
“He is a man — an old man! Once he was young and strong, with black hair and strong white teeth. Now he is old. One day, we will be like him too!” answered Chandaka.
“Is there no way to stop old age?” asked the prince.
“No, everyone, even the beautiful, the strong and the courageous, will become old one day,” came Chandaka’s reply.
“So old age destroys memory, beauty and courage, and yet with such a sight before their eyes, people are not disturbed!” the prince exclaimed. Deeply moved by such a sight of suffering, he ordered that they return to the palace immediately, for he was full of sorrow after discovering the nature of old age.
Second sight:Sickness
Third and the fourth sight: Death and Renunciation
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The Prince’s Request
All this while, the prince had been living in his palaces was still unaware of the realities of life outside the gates. One day, however, he heard of a beautiful park and begged his father’s permission to go out of the palace to visit it. The king allowed him to do so but made extensive preparations to decorate the route along which the prince would travel. The way from the royal palace to the park was made fragrant with incense and strewn with flowers. Crowds of people were stationed along the route to welcome him. All the beggars, the very old and the sick were kept away. The prince was only presented with pleasant sights.
The first sight:old age
For this rare and important outing, Prince Siddhartha had a faithful charioteer, Chandaka, to accompany him. As he was riding through the city, he saw before him, in the middle of the road, a grey haired man with wrinkled skin, who was dressed in rags and was almost blind. He looked very weak as his legs could hardly support his body. Prince Siddhartha was stunned for he had never seen a very old man before. At once, he asked Chandaka for an explanation. “What has happened to this man? Why can’t he walk upright? Why is his hair grey? Why isn’t it black like ours? Why has he no teeth? Tell me, Chandaka,” said the prince.
“He is a man — an old man! Once he was young and strong, with black hair and strong white teeth. Now he is old. One day, we will be like him too!” answered Chandaka.
“Is there no way to stop old age?” asked the prince.
“No, everyone, even the beautiful, the strong and the courageous, will become old one day,” came Chandaka’s reply.
“So old age destroys memory, beauty and courage, and yet with such a sight before their eyes, people are not disturbed!” the prince exclaimed. Deeply moved by such a sight of suffering, he ordered that they return to the palace immediately, for he was full of sorrow after discovering the nature of old age.
Second sight:Sickness
Third and the fourth sight: Death and Renunciation
survey
Q1 Everyone would say that they hope for good health in their old age. Apart from good health, what are your main hopes for a happy old age, if any? What else?
First Mention Total Mentions
% %
Being financially comfortable 50 67
Having family/friends around 10 32
Being able to live independently 9 21
Leading a full and active life 8 23
Being able to stay in my home 5 15
Having more time for family and friends 2 10
Having more time for myself, hobbies and interests 2 9
Happiness/contentment/peace* 2 4
Seeing family grow/happy* 2 2
Not having to work 1 3
Safety* 1 3
Working part-time * 2
Other 1 3
Net: Independence 14 36
Net: Social 13 42
Net: Financial 50 68
None/Don't have any 4 *
Don't know 3 7*
* denotes new codes added
Q2 Similarly, everyone would say that they would fear having poor health in their old age. What things, if anything, apart from poor health do you fear about old age? What else?
First Mention Total Mentions
% %
Loneliness 20 32
Not having enough money 18 31
Having to depend on others 10 20
Going into a care home 7 14
My saving or pensions won't be enough 6 12
Having to leave my home 3 9
Crime/safety* 3 4
Being excluded from the local community 2 4
Not having enough/ anything to do 1 4
Other 7 10
Net: Financial 25 39
Net: Independence 20 32
Net: Loneliness 22 35
Don't know 7 24
* denotes new codes added
Q3 What, if anything, do you think you will miss /are missing out on in old age? What else?
%
Social life/ active social life 23
My independence 16
Being active* 9
Playing sport 9
Going to work 7
Holidays 6
Seeing the family 6
Physical relationship (e.g. regular sex) 4
New experiences 3
Going to concerts/cinema/theatre 2
Keeping up with technology 2
Money* 2
Dating/ romance (meeting members of the opposite sex) 1
Youth 1
Friends/companions 1
Other 3
Nothing 25
Don't know 11
* denotes new codes added
Q4 To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?
Strongly agree Tend to agree Neither agree nor disagree Tend to disagree Strongly disagree Don't know
% % % % % %
I am satisfied by the Government's treatment of older people 2 19 12 32 29 5
I feel that older people's interests are high enough up the political agenda 2 19 12 35 26 5
I feel that public figures such as celebrities and politicians promote the concerns of older people enough 1 11 13 41 28 6
First Mention Total Mentions
% %
Being financially comfortable 50 67
Having family/friends around 10 32
Being able to live independently 9 21
Leading a full and active life 8 23
Being able to stay in my home 5 15
Having more time for family and friends 2 10
Having more time for myself, hobbies and interests 2 9
Happiness/contentment/peace* 2 4
Seeing family grow/happy* 2 2
Not having to work 1 3
Safety* 1 3
Working part-time * 2
Other 1 3
Net: Independence 14 36
Net: Social 13 42
Net: Financial 50 68
None/Don't have any 4 *
Don't know 3 7*
* denotes new codes added
Q2 Similarly, everyone would say that they would fear having poor health in their old age. What things, if anything, apart from poor health do you fear about old age? What else?
First Mention Total Mentions
% %
Loneliness 20 32
Not having enough money 18 31
Having to depend on others 10 20
Going into a care home 7 14
My saving or pensions won't be enough 6 12
Having to leave my home 3 9
Crime/safety* 3 4
Being excluded from the local community 2 4
Not having enough/ anything to do 1 4
Other 7 10
Net: Financial 25 39
Net: Independence 20 32
Net: Loneliness 22 35
Don't know 7 24
* denotes new codes added
Q3 What, if anything, do you think you will miss /are missing out on in old age? What else?
%
Social life/ active social life 23
My independence 16
Being active* 9
Playing sport 9
Going to work 7
Holidays 6
Seeing the family 6
Physical relationship (e.g. regular sex) 4
New experiences 3
Going to concerts/cinema/theatre 2
Keeping up with technology 2
Money* 2
Dating/ romance (meeting members of the opposite sex) 1
Youth 1
Friends/companions 1
Other 3
Nothing 25
Don't know 11
* denotes new codes added
Q4 To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?
Strongly agree Tend to agree Neither agree nor disagree Tend to disagree Strongly disagree Don't know
% % % % % %
I am satisfied by the Government's treatment of older people 2 19 12 32 29 5
I feel that older people's interests are high enough up the political agenda 2 19 12 35 26 5
I feel that public figures such as celebrities and politicians promote the concerns of older people enough 1 11 13 41 28 6
what age is called as old?
What age is 'old'?
People were asked at what age they would define someone else as old.
The mean average age came out as 72. But the older the respondents were, the higher the age they thought was old.
Many of the oldest people said they did not know.
People were asked at what age they would define someone else as old.
The mean average age came out as 72. But the older the respondents were, the higher the age they thought was old.
Many of the oldest people said they did not know.
The need for old age
Have you ever thought about how life will be when you grow old? Or noticed just how badly the elderly are treated these days? Today’s generation may have no time for their elders but they forget that there will come a time, when they too will be old.
While our country has orphanages, there are very few old age homes. We never seem to consider how old people will survive when they are rejected by their own family. It is time society paid attention to these people who have given so much and received so little in return. The least we can do for them is give them their own space and some dignity. The Government would therefore do well to provide for well-administered old age homes for such people.
While our country has orphanages, there are very few old age homes. We never seem to consider how old people will survive when they are rejected by their own family. It is time society paid attention to these people who have given so much and received so little in return. The least we can do for them is give them their own space and some dignity. The Government would therefore do well to provide for well-administered old age homes for such people.
god of the old age :GERAS
GERAS was the god or spirit (daimon) of old age. He was depicted as a tiny shrivelled up old man.
Geras' opposite number was Hebe the goddess of youth.
why do we age???
GeneticsAging changes on the cellular basis which is partially determined by genes. Our cells host DNA which sets a fixed number of cell replications. Human bodies are built up of different types of cells: mitotic (dividing), postmitotic, and resting. The capacity of replication of mitotic cells is limited. After a cell reproduced itself a certain number of times, it dies. Every division bears a threat of alteration; the older the cell, the more alterations it has undergone. Then the moment comes when the cell blueprint is so changed, that the cell cannot replicate itself properly anymore. Other types of cells either have very limited ability to divide, or cannot reproduce themselves at all. When nerve, kidney, or heart muscle cells are lost they are not replaced. However, not only genes affect the aging process. Approximately 40 percent of a cell aging depends on the life style of an individual.
Metabolic Rate
Each living species has a fixed maximum life span. Some scientists believe for humans it is 1380 months (115 years), for a Chimpanzee - 534 months, for a dog - 408 months, and for a mouse - 42. Other scientific calculations tell that an approximate maximum life span of humans is 125 years. Free radicals, a product of metabolism, destroy cells and cause aging on a cellular level. The metabolic rate explains how we accelerate aging by spending our energies in vain. Metabolic rate is defined as calories burned per gram of body mass per day. We burn our energies when we grow, repair from illnesses, digest food, exercise, work, or become stressed. The problem is that the reserve of energy each of us has got is not unlimited. All living beings use up a fixed amount of energy during their lifetime. When the reserve is depleted, the system shuts down. The faster you consume your energy potential, the sooner you wear out and age. It occurs when our contaminated bodies spend more time on digestion of "dead" food, when we consume more food than needed, when we exercise too much or get exposed to air and water pollutants. We also age faster when we infect our minds with negative thoughts and our souls with negative emotions. If you learn how to preserve your energy you can delay aging. One of the attempts to limit consumption of energies is a caloric restriction therapy. There is also plenty of other methods of energy conservation and extension of the life span.
Energy and Caloric Restriction
When caloric intake is kept to about 30-40 percent of what was normally eaten but a nutrient-rich diet was maintained, the metabolic rate slowed down, aging process maybe delayed, the life span may increase, the blood cholesterol and blood sugar may decrease, physical activity, intellectual skills, and may rejuvenate a more youthful appearance. However, caloric restriction is not the only way to balance metabolism of the body. Adopting a strict lifestyle of sobriety from eating and wine drinking, yoga exercisesmay also help balance the energies and metabolism. You consume fewer calories naturally when your internal organs function properly and when your body are able to absorb more nutrients from what you eat. Fasting is another way to detoxify your body and restore your bodily functions.
Metabolic Rate
Each living species has a fixed maximum life span. Some scientists believe for humans it is 1380 months (115 years), for a Chimpanzee - 534 months, for a dog - 408 months, and for a mouse - 42. Other scientific calculations tell that an approximate maximum life span of humans is 125 years. Free radicals, a product of metabolism, destroy cells and cause aging on a cellular level. The metabolic rate explains how we accelerate aging by spending our energies in vain. Metabolic rate is defined as calories burned per gram of body mass per day. We burn our energies when we grow, repair from illnesses, digest food, exercise, work, or become stressed. The problem is that the reserve of energy each of us has got is not unlimited. All living beings use up a fixed amount of energy during their lifetime. When the reserve is depleted, the system shuts down. The faster you consume your energy potential, the sooner you wear out and age. It occurs when our contaminated bodies spend more time on digestion of "dead" food, when we consume more food than needed, when we exercise too much or get exposed to air and water pollutants. We also age faster when we infect our minds with negative thoughts and our souls with negative emotions. If you learn how to preserve your energy you can delay aging. One of the attempts to limit consumption of energies is a caloric restriction therapy. There is also plenty of other methods of energy conservation and extension of the life span.
Energy and Caloric Restriction
When caloric intake is kept to about 30-40 percent of what was normally eaten but a nutrient-rich diet was maintained, the metabolic rate slowed down, aging process maybe delayed, the life span may increase, the blood cholesterol and blood sugar may decrease, physical activity, intellectual skills, and may rejuvenate a more youthful appearance. However, caloric restriction is not the only way to balance metabolism of the body. Adopting a strict lifestyle of sobriety from eating and wine drinking, yoga exercisesmay also help balance the energies and metabolism. You consume fewer calories naturally when your internal organs function properly and when your body are able to absorb more nutrients from what you eat. Fasting is another way to detoxify your body and restore your bodily functions.
ageing process
We all grow old at the same rate but people age at different rates. Aging is a process of gradual changes that composed of different components and interactions. These include declining level of essential biological compounds, which causes our bodily functions to slow and become dysfunctional. Our organs don’t work efficiently, our immune system becomes lazy, we lack energy, our metabolism drops and we gain weight easily
quotations
There's no such thing as old age, there is only sorrow.
-by edith warten
No matter how old a mother is, she watches her middle-aged children for signs of improvement
-by florida scott maxwell
The hardest years in life are those between ten and seventy.
-by helen hayes
Age does not protect you from love, but love to some extent protects you from age.
-jeanne moreau
Experience is simply the name we give our mistakes.
-by oscar wilde
Our society must make it right and possible for old people not to fear the young or be deserted by them, for the test of a civilization is the way that it cares for its helpless members.
-by pearl s.buck
Many people think old age is a disease, something to be thwarted if possible. But someone has said that if any period is a disease, it is youth
Age is recovering from it.
--T. C. Myers
Being old is when you know all the answers but nobody asks you the questions.
(Anonymous)
-by edith warten
No matter how old a mother is, she watches her middle-aged children for signs of improvement
-by florida scott maxwell
The hardest years in life are those between ten and seventy.
-by helen hayes
Age does not protect you from love, but love to some extent protects you from age.
-jeanne moreau
Experience is simply the name we give our mistakes.
-by oscar wilde
Our society must make it right and possible for old people not to fear the young or be deserted by them, for the test of a civilization is the way that it cares for its helpless members.
-by pearl s.buck
Many people think old age is a disease, something to be thwarted if possible. But someone has said that if any period is a disease, it is youth
Age is recovering from it.
--T. C. Myers
Being old is when you know all the answers but nobody asks you the questions.
(Anonymous)
Thursday, August 2, 2007
social service related to the aged
Any of various professional activities or methods concerned with providing social services (such as investigatory and treatment services or material aid) to disadvantaged, distressed, or vulnerable persons or groups. The field originated in the charity organizations in Europe and the U.S. in the late 19th century. The training of volunteer workers by these organizations led directly to the founding of the first schools of social work and indirectly to increased government responsibility for the welfare of the disadvantaged. Social workers may serve the needs of children and families, the poor or homeless, immigrants, veterans, the mentally ill, the handicapped, victims of rape or domestic violence, and persons dependent on alcohol or drugs. See also welfare.
human care
human care
Basic human care includes meeting the human needs for eating and drinking, excretion, personal cleansing and dressing, controlling body temperature, mobilising, working and playing, expressing sexuality, sleeping and dying.
These functions are often carried out by a nurse but may be carried out by others who are caring for the individual.
Basic human care includes meeting the human needs for eating and drinking, excretion, personal cleansing and dressing, controlling body temperature, mobilising, working and playing, expressing sexuality, sleeping and dying.
These functions are often carried out by a nurse but may be carried out by others who are caring for the individual.
Self abuse and neglect
Self abuse and neglect
Elders can abuse / neglect themselves by not caring about their own personal health and well-being.[3]. Elder self neglect can lead to illness, injury or even death. Common needs that the senior may deny themselves or ignore are the following:
Sustenance (Food or water)
Cleanliness (Bathing and personal hygiene)
Adequate clothing for climate protection
Proper shelter
Adequate safety
Clean and healthy surroundings
Medical attention for serious illness
Essential medications
It should be noted that elders may choose to deny themselves some health or safety benefits, which may not be self-neglect. This may simply be their personal choice. Caregivers and other responsible individuals must honor these choices if the senior is sound of mind.
Abuse statistics
Approximately 60% of elder abuse is towards women. Also domestic violence in later life may be a continuation of long term partner abuse. In some cases, abuse may begin with retirement or the onset of a health condition.[4]
The higher proportion of spousal homicides support the suggestion that abuse of older women is often a continuation of long term spousal abuse against women. In contrast, the risk of homicide for older men was far greater outside the family than within. [5]
Abandonment
Elder abuse can also include deserting an elderly, dependent person with the intent to abandon them or leave them unattended at a place for such a time period as may be likely to endanger their health or welfare.[6]
elder abuse
Elder abuse is a single or repeated act (or lack of proper action) by a responsible individual which causes harm or distress to an older person.
Types of elder abuse
There are several types of abuse of the elderly:
Physical: e.g. hitting, punching, slapping, burning, pushing, restraining or giving too much medication or the wrong medication.
Psychological: e.g. shouting, swearing, frightening, blaming, ignoring or humiliating a person; also common is threatening to place the person in a nursing home even though the person's physical or mental condition may not require such an action.
Financial: e.g. illegal or unauthorised use of a person’s property, money, pension book or other valuables (including changing the person's will to name the abuser as heir), often fraudulently obtaining power of attorney, followed by deprivation of money or other property, or by eviction from own home.
Sexual: e.g. forcing a person to take part in any sexual activity without his or her consent.
Neglect: e.g. where a person is deprived of food, heat, clothing or comfort or essential medication.
Rights abuse: denying the civil and constitutional rights of people who are old, but not declared by court to be mentally incapacitated.
Self neglect: elders neglecting themselves by not caring about their own health or safety.
Common abusers of the elderly
Perpetrators of elder abuse can include anyone in a position of control or authority. An abuser can be a partner, a relative, a friend or neighbor, a volunteer worker, or a social worker.
It is estimated each year 1 million elderly Americans are physically, psychologically, sexually or financially abused by relatives.[1] The true number of elder abuse incidents by relatives is difficult to estimate because of the discretion maintained among family members. This is highlighted by the fact that more than 70% of abuse cases are reported by third parties.
The relative that is the perpetrator of the abuse is usually the spouse (59%) rather than the children (24%). Unexpectedly, the abused person is usually not dependent upon the abuser, but rather the abuser is dependent upon the abused. Such abuse usually comes during retirement when the relative faces difficulties with changed living patterns that accompanies the stress of constant companionship. With the aging of today's population, elder abuse will naturally increase. The family is society's most violent institution and location for elderly abuse.[2] The most common form of elder abuse is simply neglect and lack of care.
Elder abuse is a single or repeated act (or lack of proper action) by a responsible individual which causes harm or distress to an older person.
Types of elder abuse
There are several types of abuse of the elderly:
Physical: e.g. hitting, punching, slapping, burning, pushing, restraining or giving too much medication or the wrong medication.
Psychological: e.g. shouting, swearing, frightening, blaming, ignoring or humiliating a person; also common is threatening to place the person in a nursing home even though the person's physical or mental condition may not require such an action.
Financial: e.g. illegal or unauthorised use of a person’s property, money, pension book or other valuables (including changing the person's will to name the abuser as heir), often fraudulently obtaining power of attorney, followed by deprivation of money or other property, or by eviction from own home.
Sexual: e.g. forcing a person to take part in any sexual activity without his or her consent.
Neglect: e.g. where a person is deprived of food, heat, clothing or comfort or essential medication.
Rights abuse: denying the civil and constitutional rights of people who are old, but not declared by court to be mentally incapacitated.
Self neglect: elders neglecting themselves by not caring about their own health or safety.
Common abusers of the elderly
Perpetrators of elder abuse can include anyone in a position of control or authority. An abuser can be a partner, a relative, a friend or neighbor, a volunteer worker, or a social worker.
It is estimated each year 1 million elderly Americans are physically, psychologically, sexually or financially abused by relatives.[1] The true number of elder abuse incidents by relatives is difficult to estimate because of the discretion maintained among family members. This is highlighted by the fact that more than 70% of abuse cases are reported by third parties.
The relative that is the perpetrator of the abuse is usually the spouse (59%) rather than the children (24%). Unexpectedly, the abused person is usually not dependent upon the abuser, but rather the abuser is dependent upon the abused. Such abuse usually comes during retirement when the relative faces difficulties with changed living patterns that accompanies the stress of constant companionship. With the aging of today's population, elder abuse will naturally increase. The family is society's most violent institution and location for elderly abuse.[2] The most common form of elder abuse is simply neglect and lack of care.
Cultural and geographic differences
The form of elder care provided varies greatly among countries and is changing rapidly. Even within the same country, regional differences exist with respect to the care for the elderly.
Traditionally elder care has been the responsibility of family members and was provided within the extended family home. Increasingly in modern societies, elder care is now being provided by state or charitable institutions. The reasons for this change include decreasing family size, the greater life expectancy of elderly people, the geographical dispersion of families, and the tendency for women to be educated and work outside the home. Although these changes have affected European and North American countries first, it is now increasingly affecting Asian countries also.
In most western countries, elder care facilities are freestanding. They may also be part of a continuing-care retirement community, seniors apartment complex, or wing of a nursing home. Ownership and operations of these facilities vary also. In the United States, most of the large multi-facility providers are publicly owned and managed as for-profit businesses. There are exceptions; the largest operator in the US is the Evangelical Lutheran Good Samaritan Society, a not-for-profit organization that manages 6,531 beds in 22 states, according to a 1995 study by the American Health Care Association.
The form of elder care provided varies greatly among countries and is changing rapidly. Even within the same country, regional differences exist with respect to the care for the elderly.
Traditionally elder care has been the responsibility of family members and was provided within the extended family home. Increasingly in modern societies, elder care is now being provided by state or charitable institutions. The reasons for this change include decreasing family size, the greater life expectancy of elderly people, the geographical dispersion of families, and the tendency for women to be educated and work outside the home. Although these changes have affected European and North American countries first, it is now increasingly affecting Asian countries also.
In most western countries, elder care facilities are freestanding. They may also be part of a continuing-care retirement community, seniors apartment complex, or wing of a nursing home. Ownership and operations of these facilities vary also. In the United States, most of the large multi-facility providers are publicly owned and managed as for-profit businesses. There are exceptions; the largest operator in the US is the Evangelical Lutheran Good Samaritan Society, a not-for-profit organization that manages 6,531 beds in 22 states, according to a 1995 study by the American Health Care Association.
elder care
Elderly care or simply eldercare is the fulfillment of the special needs and requirements that are unique to senior citizens. This broad term encompasses such services as assisted living, adult day care, long term care, nursing homes, hospice care, and Alzheimer's care.
old age
Household and Family
As they aged, individuals sought to stay closely connected to their children and/or to more extended networks of kin. These relationships were structured around reciprocal obligations and notions of familial bonds and duties as well as around ties of real affection and attachment in many cases. Spouses, especially, gave vital support to one another, and children's duty to support their aged parents was but one strand of the thickly woven thread that bound together the elderly and their families. Resources within families often flowed downward from the aged to the younger generations; in early modern sources, the efforts of the old for their families surface repeatedly and importantly.
Analyses of early modern household listings (informal and sporadic local censuses) have revealed the residential patterns of the elderly, though it is true that such sources can illuminate only a small piece of the broader picture of family life. Both family historians and historians of aging have generated a considerable body of work on the living arrangements of the elderly.
A wide variety of household forms existed throughout Europe. In England, where households were generally small and focused on the conjugal family unit, older men most often continued to head their own households. Even older women lived most frequently as the spouse of a householder or as head of their own domicile until advanced old age. In other parts of Europe, such as southern France, where the stem-family system was prevalent, an older couple's co-residential heir eventually supplanted the parents in home and farm. Historians of central and eastern Europe have found there the prevalence of multigeneration and complex households. In Castile, although most households were nuclear, older people lived in a wide range of household types. One way to make sense of this complexity is to note, as David Kertzer and others have pointed out, that most of western Europe followed a model of nuclear family households, but that older people were fairly often reincorporated into these households, especially after the death of an old parent's spouse.
As they aged, individuals sought to stay closely connected to their children and/or to more extended networks of kin. These relationships were structured around reciprocal obligations and notions of familial bonds and duties as well as around ties of real affection and attachment in many cases. Spouses, especially, gave vital support to one another, and children's duty to support their aged parents was but one strand of the thickly woven thread that bound together the elderly and their families. Resources within families often flowed downward from the aged to the younger generations; in early modern sources, the efforts of the old for their families surface repeatedly and importantly.
Analyses of early modern household listings (informal and sporadic local censuses) have revealed the residential patterns of the elderly, though it is true that such sources can illuminate only a small piece of the broader picture of family life. Both family historians and historians of aging have generated a considerable body of work on the living arrangements of the elderly.
A wide variety of household forms existed throughout Europe. In England, where households were generally small and focused on the conjugal family unit, older men most often continued to head their own households. Even older women lived most frequently as the spouse of a householder or as head of their own domicile until advanced old age. In other parts of Europe, such as southern France, where the stem-family system was prevalent, an older couple's co-residential heir eventually supplanted the parents in home and farm. Historians of central and eastern Europe have found there the prevalence of multigeneration and complex households. In Castile, although most households were nuclear, older people lived in a wide range of household types. One way to make sense of this complexity is to note, as David Kertzer and others have pointed out, that most of western Europe followed a model of nuclear family households, but that older people were fairly often reincorporated into these households, especially after the death of an old parent's spouse.
old age
Assistance to the Aged
Because so much preindustrial work involved physical labor, and because even the middling sorts were often in vulnerable economic situations, old age often brought with it downward economic mobility. Older individuals generally tried to remain self-supporting, and there were expectations of familial aid, but the elderly poor often depended on public assistance. In most European countries, poor relief was not regulated, but individual communities provided assistance for some of their elderly members. Forms of poor relief varied by country, region, and city, but community assistance usually took one of three forms: statutory poor relief, institutions like hospitals and asylums, and charity.
England's "Old Poor Law" serves as the clearest example of statutory poor relief. Under the Elizabethan Poor Acts of 1601, unpaid churchwardens and overseers in each of the country's parishes collected poor-relief taxes and redistributed the money to the poor residents of the parish. The statute specifically called for "necessary relief" to be given to the aged and decrepit poor. Historians differ in their assessment of the scope, generosity, and regional variation of the Old Poor Law's provision for the elderly, but it is certain that this system generated assistance ranging from occasional handouts to subsistence-level pensions for a significant minority of the aged population in many parishes in early modern England. The nature of the assistance changed as poor relief grew more extensive throughout the country. By the end of the eighteenth century, especially in southern and eastern parishes, parish poor relief to the aged could be very extensive. The Old Poor Law provided an important safety net for the aged, especially old widows. This system should not be mistaken for a prototype of modern social security (there was always a very strong and moralistic social-control element to early modern poor relief), but its extensive presence in the economic landscape and cultural expectations of this period is a significant aspect of the history of old age.
Because so much preindustrial work involved physical labor, and because even the middling sorts were often in vulnerable economic situations, old age often brought with it downward economic mobility. Older individuals generally tried to remain self-supporting, and there were expectations of familial aid, but the elderly poor often depended on public assistance. In most European countries, poor relief was not regulated, but individual communities provided assistance for some of their elderly members. Forms of poor relief varied by country, region, and city, but community assistance usually took one of three forms: statutory poor relief, institutions like hospitals and asylums, and charity.
England's "Old Poor Law" serves as the clearest example of statutory poor relief. Under the Elizabethan Poor Acts of 1601, unpaid churchwardens and overseers in each of the country's parishes collected poor-relief taxes and redistributed the money to the poor residents of the parish. The statute specifically called for "necessary relief" to be given to the aged and decrepit poor. Historians differ in their assessment of the scope, generosity, and regional variation of the Old Poor Law's provision for the elderly, but it is certain that this system generated assistance ranging from occasional handouts to subsistence-level pensions for a significant minority of the aged population in many parishes in early modern England. The nature of the assistance changed as poor relief grew more extensive throughout the country. By the end of the eighteenth century, especially in southern and eastern parishes, parish poor relief to the aged could be very extensive. The Old Poor Law provided an important safety net for the aged, especially old widows. This system should not be mistaken for a prototype of modern social security (there was always a very strong and moralistic social-control element to early modern poor relief), but its extensive presence in the economic landscape and cultural expectations of this period is a significant aspect of the history of old age.
old age
Attitudes Toward the Old
Strands of veneration for and antagonism toward the aged coexisted in all early modern societies. The extreme views represented by these strands were in constant dialectical tension, underpinning the complex set of social relations that characterized individual older people's relationships within their communities. Historians have moved away from the sense that there is any grand narrative of either rising or declining status for the elderly and have instead highlighted the great heterogeneity and complexity of attitudes toward aging and the aged.
Older individuals often played highly valued roles. The Spanish proverb "The oldster who cannot predict is not worth a sardine" reflects the common perception that an older person's worldly experience was a valuable community resource. Similarly, many different kinds of sources, from diaries to law cases, demonstrate a pervasive reliance on the memory of older individuals as a source of history and custom, a tradition that persisted despite the ever-growing availability and importance of print to record public and private memories.
Attitudes toward old women varied. The image of the wise old woman and the nurturing elderly mother or grandmother played a role in literature, but representations of older women, especially widows, were more often negative, or even vicious. Images in cheap print stereotyped old women as witches, and literature frequently represented old women as lascivious fools, querulous gossips, or shrill scolds. While recent studies have deepened our understanding of the image of the witch as an old woman, the image of the witch as an old hag demonstrates the ways misogyny and antagonism toward the aged could interact in this period.
Strands of veneration for and antagonism toward the aged coexisted in all early modern societies. The extreme views represented by these strands were in constant dialectical tension, underpinning the complex set of social relations that characterized individual older people's relationships within their communities. Historians have moved away from the sense that there is any grand narrative of either rising or declining status for the elderly and have instead highlighted the great heterogeneity and complexity of attitudes toward aging and the aged.
Older individuals often played highly valued roles. The Spanish proverb "The oldster who cannot predict is not worth a sardine" reflects the common perception that an older person's worldly experience was a valuable community resource. Similarly, many different kinds of sources, from diaries to law cases, demonstrate a pervasive reliance on the memory of older individuals as a source of history and custom, a tradition that persisted despite the ever-growing availability and importance of print to record public and private memories.
Attitudes toward old women varied. The image of the wise old woman and the nurturing elderly mother or grandmother played a role in literature, but representations of older women, especially widows, were more often negative, or even vicious. Images in cheap print stereotyped old women as witches, and literature frequently represented old women as lascivious fools, querulous gossips, or shrill scolds. While recent studies have deepened our understanding of the image of the witch as an old woman, the image of the witch as an old hag demonstrates the ways misogyny and antagonism toward the aged could interact in this period.
old age
Attitudes Toward the Old
Strands of veneration for and antagonism toward the aged coexisted in all early modern societies. The extreme views represented by these strands were in constant dialectical tension, underpinning the complex set of social relations that characterized individual older people's relationships within their communities. Historians have moved away from the sense that there is any grand narrative of either rising or declining status for the elderly and have instead highlighted the great heterogeneity and complexity of attitudes toward aging and the aged.
Older individuals often played highly valued roles. The Spanish proverb "The oldster who cannot predict is not worth a sardine" reflects the common perception that an older person's worldly experience was a valuable community resource. Similarly, many different kinds of sources, from diaries to law cases, demonstrate a pervasive reliance on the memory of older individuals as a source of history and custom, a tradition that persisted despite the ever-growing availability and importance of print to record public and private memories.
Attitudes toward old women varied. The image of the wise old woman and the nurturing elderly mother or grandmother played a role in literature, but representations of older women, especially widows, were more often negative, or even vicious. Images in cheap print stereotyped old women as witches, and literature frequently represented old women as lascivious fools, querulous gossips, or shrill scolds. While recent studies have deepened our understanding of the image of the witch as an old woman, the image of the witch as an old hag demonstrates the ways misogyny and antagonism toward the aged could interact in this period.
Strands of veneration for and antagonism toward the aged coexisted in all early modern societies. The extreme views represented by these strands were in constant dialectical tension, underpinning the complex set of social relations that characterized individual older people's relationships within their communities. Historians have moved away from the sense that there is any grand narrative of either rising or declining status for the elderly and have instead highlighted the great heterogeneity and complexity of attitudes toward aging and the aged.
Older individuals often played highly valued roles. The Spanish proverb "The oldster who cannot predict is not worth a sardine" reflects the common perception that an older person's worldly experience was a valuable community resource. Similarly, many different kinds of sources, from diaries to law cases, demonstrate a pervasive reliance on the memory of older individuals as a source of history and custom, a tradition that persisted despite the ever-growing availability and importance of print to record public and private memories.
Attitudes toward old women varied. The image of the wise old woman and the nurturing elderly mother or grandmother played a role in literature, but representations of older women, especially widows, were more often negative, or even vicious. Images in cheap print stereotyped old women as witches, and literature frequently represented old women as lascivious fools, querulous gossips, or shrill scolds. While recent studies have deepened our understanding of the image of the witch as an old woman, the image of the witch as an old hag demonstrates the ways misogyny and antagonism toward the aged could interact in this period.
old age
Life Expectancy
During the early modern period, life expectancy fluctuated dramatically in short-term cycles. In England, life expectancy at birth was 36.8 years from 1550–1599, but fell to 33.9 for the period 1650–1699 before rising again to 36.5 for the last half of the eighteenth century. Still, although average life expectancy at birth seldom rose above the late thirties throughout Europe, individuals who made it through those first precarious years of life could generally expect to live through middle age (that is, their forties).
In France, for example, while life expectancy for women at birth was only 25.7 years in the 1740s, at age twenty, women could expect to live into their mid-fifties. These average life expectancies increased throughout the latter part of the eighteenth century, so that by the 1790s, average female life expectancy at age twenty was 38.6 years. It is also clear that the aged accounted for a significant minority of the population; those aged sixty or more comprised as much as 10 percent of the population of England. These figures are similar to those calculated for early modern France and Spain. In contrast to popular misconceptions, then, the aged were present in significant numbers in pre-modern times.
During the early modern period, life expectancy fluctuated dramatically in short-term cycles. In England, life expectancy at birth was 36.8 years from 1550–1599, but fell to 33.9 for the period 1650–1699 before rising again to 36.5 for the last half of the eighteenth century. Still, although average life expectancy at birth seldom rose above the late thirties throughout Europe, individuals who made it through those first precarious years of life could generally expect to live through middle age (that is, their forties).
In France, for example, while life expectancy for women at birth was only 25.7 years in the 1740s, at age twenty, women could expect to live into their mid-fifties. These average life expectancies increased throughout the latter part of the eighteenth century, so that by the 1790s, average female life expectancy at age twenty was 38.6 years. It is also clear that the aged accounted for a significant minority of the population; those aged sixty or more comprised as much as 10 percent of the population of England. These figures are similar to those calculated for early modern France and Spain. In contrast to popular misconceptions, then, the aged were present in significant numbers in pre-modern times.
old age
Most communities across Europe also recognized a "green" old age, in which an individual was considered old, but had not lost his or her basic faculties. This stage, though marked by the physical signs of old age noted above, carried with it connotations of social power and continued physical ability. Ballads regarding the life cycle often reveal the key characteristics of life stages. In the English ballad "The Ages of Man" (c. 1775), the earlier stage of old age is depicted as one of gradually failing health: "age did so abate my strength, / That I was forced to yield at length." But also, "My neighbours did my council crave, / And I was held in great request." Thus were continued wisdom and respect associated with green old age. In contrast, the last stage of life was one of advanced physical decay: "At nine times seven I must take my leave / Of all my former vain delight . . . my strength did abate." For women, the first stage of old age may have been signaled by the onset of menopause, but historians disagree about the extent to which menopause served as the transition into green old age.
Chronological markers of old age were recognized as well, and these grew increasingly important and consistent. The age of sixty was widely associated with the onset of old age, but several other ages—especially fifty, sixty-three, and seventy—were also used as thresholds of old age, both by individuals and by those who wrote specifically to classify the ages of life. Still, pension schemes, legal statutes, and individual reflections most often give the age of sixty as a marker for old age in men. Women were more often identified as old while still in their fifties, but the same general rule holds for them as well. Poor-law records and diaries from eighteenth-century England, for example, rarely use the term "old" for women younger than sixty. Late-seventeenth-century government ministers and political arithmeticians used the age of sixty as a dividing point, in both domestic and colonial populations, to designate a portion of the population as too old to bear arms. Such bureaucratic tendencies were part of a more general trend, as some of the groundwork was set for the stricter and more restrictive age norms that grew from the end of the seventeenth century. The increased use of the age of sixty to define entry into old age represents a significant area of discontinuity in the history of old age in early modern Europe.
Chronological markers of old age were recognized as well, and these grew increasingly important and consistent. The age of sixty was widely associated with the onset of old age, but several other ages—especially fifty, sixty-three, and seventy—were also used as thresholds of old age, both by individuals and by those who wrote specifically to classify the ages of life. Still, pension schemes, legal statutes, and individual reflections most often give the age of sixty as a marker for old age in men. Women were more often identified as old while still in their fifties, but the same general rule holds for them as well. Poor-law records and diaries from eighteenth-century England, for example, rarely use the term "old" for women younger than sixty. Late-seventeenth-century government ministers and political arithmeticians used the age of sixty as a dividing point, in both domestic and colonial populations, to designate a portion of the population as too old to bear arms. Such bureaucratic tendencies were part of a more general trend, as some of the groundwork was set for the stricter and more restrictive age norms that grew from the end of the seventeenth century. The increased use of the age of sixty to define entry into old age represents a significant area of discontinuity in the history of old age in early modern Europe.
old age
Definitions of Old Age
Certain physical signs marked an individual as old: toothlessness, balding or gray hair, hunched back, lameness, deafness. Increasing debility was the clearest signal that one was becoming old. This assumption is clearly visible in both didactic and fictional forms of literature, as well as in visual representations. Shakespeare's representation of the last stage of life in As You Like It as "Sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything," represents a common trope.
Certain physical signs marked an individual as old: toothlessness, balding or gray hair, hunched back, lameness, deafness. Increasing debility was the clearest signal that one was becoming old. This assumption is clearly visible in both didactic and fictional forms of literature, as well as in visual representations. Shakespeare's representation of the last stage of life in As You Like It as "Sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything," represents a common trope.
old age
From ancient to modern times in Europe, conceptions of the life cycle that recognized discrete "ages of man" counted old age as one of the stages of life. Ancient philosophers such as Aristotle (384–322 B.C.E.) separated life into three stages, and the model of life stages was endowed with additional spiritual meaning in the Middle Ages. By the early modern period, numerous schemes existed to define the steps, ages, or stages of life. Thus, the concept of old age carried with it a relatively coherent set of expectations and experiences including social and cultural signals as well as numerical thresholds of old age. Within these broad socially constructed markers of old age, however, lay a wide variety of experiences determined by social class, gender, and individual life experiences.
Definitions of Old Age
Definitions of Old Age
old age
old age
The final stage in the life course of an individual. Old age is usually associated with declining faculties, both mental and physical, and a reduction in social commitments (including sport participation). The precise onset of old age varies culturally and historically. It is a social construct, rather than a biological stage
The final stage in the life course of an individual. Old age is usually associated with declining faculties, both mental and physical, and a reduction in social commitments (including sport participation). The precise onset of old age varies culturally and historically. It is a social construct, rather than a biological stage
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